The embrace of Islamic culture in the public arena has intensified religious life among all classes, most notably among the elite. For example, reflecting on his experience as a tour guide for Haj Plus, a deluxe package tour for the haj, or pilgrimage to Mecca, Abdurrahman writes of the middle and upper classes as groups seeking religious and social identity through Islamic practices quite distinct from those of their peasant countrymen Abdurrahman , Busana Muslim or busana Muslima Muslim clothes or fashion, particularly for women is now a big business for designers and forms a separate department in most clothing stores see Tarlo and Moors ; Smith-Hefner Islamic music, formerly heard in ritual contexts and only among par ticu lar constituents, is now created and produced by the stars of the mainstream media and broadcast in five-star hotels and shopping malls.

And religious music videos may be seen daily on many television stations and almost continuously during the month of Ramadan. As the subsequent period of reformasi unfolded, the position of the various post-Suharto governments regarding religious practice and government support of religious activities and institutions was also a subject of speculation and critique. In fact, Introduction: Setting the Scene 7 figure 1. Counting ballots on election day, , in North Sumatra.

Yudhoyono—during the period of my ethnographic research — has been a productive catalyst for the discussion of government patronage and its intersection with religion among myself and the many consultants who have taught me about their lives and concerns. Although establishing clear relationships between the policies and rhetoric of the government, their effects on religious life, and people in the profession of religion is impossible, a dynamic theater of government and its patronage of, or reaction to, all things Islamic is a great source of speculation, evaluation, and debate.

Even my first explorations revealed that this is a culture that is created and shared by women and men. Indonesian women and men are recognized throughout the Muslim world for their skills as reciters, particularly in the Egyptian melodic and performative style, mujawwad, or, as it usually called in Indonesia, tilawa.

My initial inquiry concerned the ways in which Arabic musical aesthetics and techniques were imported, theoretically beginning as early as contact was made with Muslim peoples over the well-worn trade routes of oral tradition, and then either preserved, revised, or completely reinvented.

Although musical aesthetics, instruments, and techniques may be traced to Muslim communities from throughout South and Southeast Asia, I discovered that the mechanisms for teaching and learning this specifically Egyptian and essentially musical-linguistic practice had been institutionalized only relatively recently in postindependence Indonesia, albeit almost exclusively through oral praxis.

In the course of this original inquiry I learned something about the power of sound. In doing so, these musical conventions allude to the original sites of Arab Islam with multisensory efficacy, both for those who practice and participate in Islamic ritual as well as for those who do not.

It is a sonic and symbolic package of cross-cultural histories and relationships as well as a signifier of contemporary identity and practice. Islamic sound arts, which encompass language performed in a combination of Arab and local musical styles, is referenced and invoked variously in all kinds of Indonesian Introduction: Setting the Scene 9 Islamic music, where, I suggest, it also operates as a summarizing symbol of spirituality, history, and identity. Although scholars who focus on the many indigenous traditions of Southeast Asia—traditions of music, dance, material arts, ritual, and theater—may be surprised at the enumeration of Islamic arts, scholars of the Middle East and of Islam may recognize many descriptive points that resonate with their own experiences in Muslim contexts throughout the world.

Frequently depicted as a homogenous people, Muslims have been mischaracterized in the popular imagination of the contemporary West as music-phobic, in part because of their regulation of musical activity in various contexts and historical periods up to and including the present.

Those individuals who recite, have studied recitation, or at least have had experience singing Arabic religious songs have special access to both the production and the appreciation of this Arab aesthetic. Accompanying the Arab musical aesthetic in Indonesian Islamic performance are musical discourses that are 10 Introduction: Setting the Scene rooted in regional folk traditions many of which are seasoned with Arab, Malay, Indian, and Chinese spices , cultivated court practices, arts education institutions, government festival and fanfare, indigenous popular musics, and the global music media.

Following conventions of Western scholarship, I use the term music to refer to that which is musical. In any discussion of Islamic music, however, it must be acknowledged that the word music I. However, the use of percussion to accompany song and to add aspects of metricity, form, and style is a feature of religious music in many parts of the Islamic world, and frame drums are a key component of Sufi musical practice.

Thus an ensemble of singers who accompany themselves with percussion instruments does not necessarily constitute an objectionable category of music in many Islamic contexts. It is clear that the distinction between song I. But in the vast majority of the situations I witnessed, the presence of music that is, song with accompaniment by both percussion and melody instruments is generally accepted and enthusiastically appreciated among people in the business of religion.

In addition, I quickly discovered that the performance of music, often with dance, is a multifaceted and very conscious category of constructive creation and consumption among the religious specialists and practitioners that I came to know and their audiences.

Recitation is not music, as any number of sources will attest. Furthermore, the term music, as understood in the English language, does not begin to represent the real differences and conceptual nuances between song, instrumental music, and musical function that operate in languages other than English and within Southeast Asian and Middle Eastern Islamic milieus. Additionally, this discourse on music— including musical styles, repertoires, performers male and female , instruments, and contexts—is explicitly connected to the exploration and expression of multiple Islamic identities in contemporary Indonesia.

Readers interested in the performing arts of the Muslim Middle East and Asia will recognize that this is not an original scenario; the Muslim world is replete with musics that are related to religious ideology and praxis. This account is meant to complement and expand the evidence we have, both historical and contemporary, of musical practice in one area of the Muslim world and to explore the routes and roots of these ideas and practices within and among Muslim world communities.

Reciters were generally enthusiastic about music and recognized the social processes inherent in music making and its reception as positive. Although the community I came to know was aware of other kinds of Indonesian music, its members generally were not involved in the Indonesian music that is best known outside the archipelago, the impressive gamelan ensembles and the related arts of dance and musical theater such as wayang kulit shadow puppet theater , wayang golek puppet theater with rod puppets , and wayang orang dance drama.

One of the unique aspects of Indonesian Islamic music, in fact, is its combination of two very different musical systems: that of island Southeast Asia and that of the Arab Near East and Arabian Peninsula. Scholarship on both Indonesian music and that of the Arab world and the Middle East is vast; the following section is meant to provide a brief outline of some of the striking differences between these two musical worlds and, in some cases, to point out where they overlap.

Integrally related to singing, dance, drama, and puppet theater, gamelan ensembles are comprised mainly of bronze metallophones, knobbed pot gongs, and large hanging gongs. The intricately carved and brightly painted or stained frames and trough resonators that support the heavy cast-metal idiophones are as impressive as the instruments themselves and are an integral aspect of these majestic ensembles.

Various kinds of gamelan ensembles exist. The gamelan degung of West Java, for example, includes about seven instruments: a gong, two sets of kettle gongs, two kinds of metallophones, drums, and a suling flute. Various kinds of gong kettle ensembles in West Sumatra include talempong, which are played by one or two players who are seated behind a row of kettle gongs atop a rope lattice, or by several musicians in processions who perform in hocket to create interlocking melodic patterns.

The magnificent gamelan ensembles of Java and Bali have been the most influential within and outside the country. Although the musical repertoire and the instruments of the ensembles themselves are quite different, the musical life of Bali was originally connected to that of Java during the Majapahit empire of the mid-fourteenth century under its leader Gajah Madah. When the HinduJavanese court of Majapahit fell to Muslim powers centered in Demak toward the end of the fifteenth century, many Javanese Hindus fled to the courts in Bali.

It is from this point that Balinese and Javanese gamelan developed separately despite their common roots. Through conversion to Islam, music and related arts were adapted to Islamic ideology and practice in the Javanese coastal areas such as Demak and Cirebon, as well as in the important courtly centers of Yogyakarta and Surakarta, which were established in the seventeenth century. The largest of the Javanese gamelan ensembles includes two full sets of instruments for the two tuning systems slendro and pelog.

The slendro scale is a pentatonic scale comprised of five roughly equidistant tones, whereas the pelog scale is made up of seven tones whose intervals range from smaller than the Western halftone e. While slendro and pelog scales are found consistently throughout Indonesia, the exact tuning of these scales, including the tonic note and the intervals themselves, varies, even from Introduction: Setting the Scene 13 ensemble to ensemble within the same city, comprising a completely unique approach to tuning and temperament.

Another completely distinct characteristic of the gamelan ensemble is the way that time and form are organized and controlled. Gamelan music is said to have a colotomic structure. In other words, compositions are cyclic rather than linear in form: metallophones generally play the skeletal melody that repeats over and over, the larger kettle gongs and the huge hanging gongs punctuate that melodic cycle at regular intervals, and smaller metallophones, pot gongs, and a handful of non-metallophone instruments the wooden gambang xylophone and the stringed kecapi, or plucked zither, for example play elaborating patterns.

Tempi or, more accurately, tempo levels called irama are controlled by the drummer, who leads the group through a series of shifts in form and density. As the skeletal melody slows down, the elaborating instruments multiply the density of their phrases, creating an ever-busier texture as the irama level increases. The impressive ensemble of tuned bronze percussion is rounded out by the bamboo suling flute, the two-stringed bowed spiked fiddle, the rabab, the kecapi, and singers.

With the exception of the distant and somewhat legendary connection of the Wali Songo to these court musics and the infamous gamelan sekaten, a special set of instruments brought out and performed on the Maulid the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad , the culture of gamelan music is considered by some to operate and to have developed largely outside the realm of Islam. The assumption that gamelan culture escaped Islamic influence is challenged by the mere presence of these kinds of instruments—the flute, bowed lute, and plucked zither—all of which exist in numerous varieties throughout the Middle East and Central Asia.

Not only are these instruments related to their cousins in name and construction, but the performance practice, especially that of the flute and fiddle, are remarkably similar to performance styles in the Middle East. Rather than contributing to the cooperative interlocking texture created by the majority of players in the ensemble, the melodic lines of these instruments, as well as of the female singers the pesinden , hover above the remarkable metric regularity in free heterophony that is not harnessed by the discipline of a regular beat.

For the most part, however, the ensembles and performance practice of Arab and Middle Eastern music are remarkably different from those of Indonesia. The earliest musical influences on Indonesian music from Arab cultures certainly came from the Arabian Gulf region, but with the advent of mass media in the twentieth century, most of the musical influences from the Middle East have been from Egypt and the eastern Mediterranean or the Levant. This is a music culture that is indebted to the historical developments of Mesopotamia and the cosmopolitan traditions of the Persianate world during the so-called Golden Age 14 Introduction: Setting the Scene of Arab civilization the ninth through the thirteenth centuries , as well as to Ottoman culture, which was the dominant cultural force in the region from the sixteenth century onward.

Instruments in the Turko-Arab and Persian worlds are small and portable and, with the exception of double-reed folk oboes and drums, have delicate timbres. Ensemble music in these traditions happens indoors in private contexts for and by professional and amateur connoisseurs, a social factor that has been shaped by the skepticism surrounding public performance of music in Islamic culture.

The large orchestra firqa is a twentieth-century development influenced by the Western European orchestra and electronic mass media. Although musicians in an ensemble play the same melody, each one is free to interpret it with certain variations and ornaments, together creating a texture that musicologists refer to as heterophony. Solo improvisation in free meter, often unaccompanied, is a hallmark of this music, and it is here that the system of melodic modes comes into play.

Arab, Persian, and Turkish musics all have their own modal systems that recognize hundreds of separate scales and the manner in which each individual scale is executed. Knowledge of these modes is demonstrated most deftly through the art of improvisation, or taqasim, a subject that is taken up more thoroughly in chapter 3. To summarize, the differences between the music of the Arab Muslim world and that of Indonesia are notable, making the contemporary combination of musical instruments, musical aesthetics, and musical styles that occurs under the rubric of seni musik Islam, or Islamic musical arts, in Indonesia all the more remarkable.

Fusion, a term often used to describe contemporary music projects by artists of the avant-garde involving crossover and convergence, has been the primary operating principle of seni musik Islam since its inception.

Yet in addition to fusion, it is also important to recognize the gradual diff usion of musical instruments and musical styles that has occurred with Islamization. For example, the double-reed oboe, thought to be of Arab origin, exists in many forms in Introduction: Setting the Scene 15 the archipelago, from the sarune of North Sumatra etymologically related to surnai, the name of this instrument in India, or the zurna, the Turkish variant of the double-reed oboe to the preret of Lombok.

The saluong of West Sumatra, a rim-blown flute that is played at an oblique angle, is remarkably similar to the Arab nay. Even the modal inflections of the Arab maqam system are distinctly recognized in certain areas of Indonesia. The tonal system and the approach to singing inherent in Arabic-language performance no doubt infi ltrated first coastal and then inland communities in Indonesia through a great number of Islamic devotional songs such as sholawat A.

Finally, while the influences of India on Islamic music and culture are quite pronounced, particularly in the Hindu and Buddhist philosophical, linguistic, iconological, and performance practices of Indonesia, it is also important to recognize that India was the source of numerous Muslim musical and ritual practices. With its focus on Islamic music, this book targets an aspect of Indonesian culture that has been seriously understudied.

At the same time, the work joins a literature that expands our knowledge of Islam as a source of and reason for creative forms of expressive culture rather than a deterrent to them. The 16 Introduction: Setting the Scene association of fundamentalism with Islam and Muslims has further intensified stereotyping to the point of caricature. Moallem , My work describes historical conditions and contemporary frameworks of Islamic belief and practice that are distinct from those commonly studied in the Middle East and Arab world.

With its parallel focus on women, this book explores a second domain of life the fi rst being music : the role of Indonesian women in Islamic ritual and the performing arts and, through both of these media, their role in education. A remarkable aspect of Indonesian Islamic practice—one that some might find objectionable or simply disbelieve—is the involvement of women in the work, rituals, and popu lar expressions of Islam.

This rank of professionals may not seem so extraordinary in the modern, urban setting of Jakarta, but the Jakarta community is bolstered by another set of young female practitioners in training, girls from more remote cities, towns, and villages throughout the Indonesian archipelago.

Outside the urban sphere, young women work with mentors, female leaders of religious and community life who serve in a variety of roles. For example the nyai, the wife of the leader of the pondok pesantren, or kiai, can be a figure of great prestige who may Introduction: Setting the Scene 17 serve as a teacher, religious authority, moral model, and parental protector for hundreds of female student-residents santri.

As a member of the prestigious lineage of ulama, religious scholars designated as such on account of both descent and marriage, the nyai is the social and moral leader within vast, populous networks of religious boarding schools that constitute significant social and political communities unto themselves.

Other kinds of women leaders in rural areas include teachers of all kinds and employees of the state, particularly local branches of the Ministry of Religion Departemen Agama. I take my cue for this thesis from recent works by scholars of Southeast Asia, both native and nonnative, who challenge the assumption, perpetuated for years, that Arab or Middle Eastern Islam is normative. Scraping off the layers of assumptions, laws, and practices that may be attributed to Arab culture and history is very much in line not only with scholars of Southeast Asia and other cultures who are seeking new interpretations of the non-Arab Islamicate world, but also with Muslim feminists.

Although Islam originated in the Saudi Arabian Peninsula, it is crucial to remember that the secondary and tertiary religious tenets that decorate the framework of the faith particularly those affecting women are based on cultural practices of subsequent generations in the Arabian Peninsula and in tenth-century Mesopotamia and are therefore not necessarily in original doctrine for more on this subject, see Ahmed , An uncanny confluence for this study, objections to women and prohibitions regarding their behavior and objections to music and prohibitions regarding its use emanate from the same cultural context and historical time frame and from some of the same critics Shiloah , Barbara N.

Ramusack cites the attention given to the Minagkabau of Sumatra, the matrilineal and matrilocal Muslim community that adapted its particular form of adat, or cultural custom, to the strong Islamic currents that infi ltrated the island beginning around the fourteenth century. However, many of the features of Indonesian Islam, including the discourse and the action of the people with whom I worked, suggest that an underlying framework of egalitarianism that is distinctive to the southern and western periphery of the Indian Ocean is at least to be acknowledged.

In this ethnography I introduce women who work alongside men as reciters and as teachers, judges in competitions, administrators, and advisors. I do not ignore the presence among Indonesians of ideas that link women to a bundle of concepts and characteristics including shame, pollution, emotion, irrationality, weakness, danger, lack of control, imperfection, and embarrassment.

However, within the community of male and female religious specialists with whom I worked, such ideas were not only missing, but they were openly contested. As I describe in chapter 6, the voices and the bodies of women are not a source of shame, and the permissibility of participation is not conditioned by deemphasizing their femininity, as may be the case in other cultural contexts where women act as and work alongside men.

Muslim women in Indonesia need not hide or constrain their appearance, nor must they imitate male dress. Muslim fashion in Indonesia is usually tailored, often form fitting, and made from beautiful, colorful batik and ikat materials trimmed with piping and lace. No one in this community wears a formless black chadora or burka, and no one, except a tiny minority affiliated with conservative sects, covers her face.

The contemporary experiences of women are addressed throughout this study, and, except where noted, women participate in every aspect of religious life and performance that I describe, whether their presence is exceptional or normative. To evaluate their actions and their agency one overarching set of questions permeates the ethnography. As my interest in and respect for the students and teachers at the institutions where I worked grew, and as I followed these individuals to huge government-sponsored competitions in recitation and accepted invitations to the Islamic boarding schools where many girls pursue secondary education, I became curious about their motivation.

How does an Islamic education prepare women for life in the fast lane of global postmodernity? What other options might or might not be open to this community? As I attempt to find common ground between us, I am continuously haunted by the question of how I can possibly be in a position to understand or even relate to their world.

In an exploration of the problematic issues of representation, Jane Sugarman identifies the tendency of Western-trained ethnographers to unwittingly reproduce the power structures of the West over the non-West. Sugarman , 33 Bringing the third-world woman closer to her archetypal, liberated Western counterpart can mistakenly involve the imposition of progress.

The notion that women are freed from the shackles of their traditional lives through knowledge and engagement with the West and its culture of enlightenment comforts the feminist seeking to ameliorate the situation for her sisters around the world. For women who are unenthusiastic about these New Order visions of womanhood Islamist alternatives can be attractive because they stress moral and spiritual agendas over bureaucratic or consumerist ones.

More importantly, we see the ways in which the consultants for this project individually negotiate the androcentric modern world of which we are all a part. Finally, an attempt is made in this work not to offer a finite closed-case scenario but rather to allow for the dynamism inherent in the political and social reality of contemporary Indonesia and in the multiple positions that are articulated through the actions of individuals and groups.

These terms must be flagged for special consideration in the Indonesian context, however, as they refer to specific historical streams and significant religious communities that are largely unknown outside the country, even to Muslims and scholars of Islam. Yet in the view of many Indonesians, the modernist, stripped-down version of Islam goes too far in the direction of sterilization and Arabization, lobotomizing the cultural personality of Indonesian Islam, which has traditionally allowed a legitimate place for both the work of women and the work of music.

The notion that Indonesian Islam developed haphazardly may also be attributed in part to anthropologist Clifford Geertz. Geertz identified three social classes of Javanese in his book The Religion of Java : abangan nominal Muslims who also believe in a variety of spirits and pre-Islamic practices and ideas , santri pious Muslims , and priai palace elite. Although The Religion of Java is widely read in Indonesia, where these categories are recognized among a diverse population, his interpretation has been called into question.

Lynda Newland summarizes the critique: As the commentary in the Indonesian version of the book maintains Bachtiar , Geertz wrote about Islam primarily from the focus of modernist Muslims. The prevailing assumption in this use of syncretism is that world religions have been incorporated by Javanese into local versions that are somehow less authentic and more related to customary practice than religion.

Introduction: Setting the Scene 23 The organization Muhammadiyah, with some twenty-nine million adherents, was established in by Ahmad Dahlan, who was inspired by Muhammad Abduh of Egypt, with a rationale that Islam in Indonesia, and particularly in Java, was syncretic, heretical, and rife with mysticism. In contrast to Muhammadiyah is the organization Nahdlatul Ulama, or NU, the largest Muslim organization in the country, with about forty-five million members see also Hefner , , for statistics on membership.

Followers of NU are known to be more tolerant and proud of local cultural practices, although they are still ready to embrace the modern, multinational Muslim world. Although I did not realize this at the outset of my research, in , the difference between these two local worldviews is, in one way, a distillation of the issues at the heart of this study.

The two leaders, Amien Rais of Muhammadiyah and Abdurrahman Wahid of NU, were both presidential candidates during my Fulbright year in Indonesia ; one of them, Wahid, became president and was later succeeded by his vicepresident, Megawati Sukarnoputri, a woman, in July The ideology of both organizations has had implications that reach beyond their membership. I should caution here that this list constitutes a repertoire of customs, many of them considered pre-Islamic and rooted in traditional, Javanese mystical practices called kejawen, that may be acknowledged and accepted within the NU community as ideology but not as practice and may be experienced only occasionally on visits to ancestral homelands or through popular culture and art.

As a graduate student in ethnomusicology at the University of California, I was well prepared by teachers and fellow students who were familiar with the country and, once in Java, I managed to coerce my friends into following an agenda that involved some sort of music and dance almost every day. I stepped out on their balcony the night we arrived and heard the sounds of Ramadan from the neighborhood kampung behind the hotel.

Within the hour I had convinced the gang to explore the alleyways, where I tentatively poked my head into the small mosques mesjid and prayer spaces musholla where chanting and singing were ongoing. I suppose that, unlike those who selectively tune out the sounds of Ramadan, I was primed—in part because of my studies of Arab and Middle Eastern music with Professor Ali Jihad Racy at the University of California—to tune them in.

That first experience behind the Jakarta Hilton stoked a fire of curiosity within me about Islam in Indonesia. Like the work for my dissertation and related publications, which have nothing to do with Indonesia but instead concern the musical life of the Arab American community, this project evolved from a mounting curiosity combined with a succession of open doors.

For our first stint in the country I was able to negotiate a leave of absence so that our four—year-old son and I could join my husband in Jakarta for the year. After several months of savoring and contemplating the soundscape as well as studying gamelan and Bahasa Indonesia, the national language , I went into the city center for the Festival Istiqlal, a month-long government-sponsored Islamic festival held at the huge national mosque, Mesjid Istiqlal, in downtown Jakarta. One after another, reciters, or muezzin, the term for the person who executes the azan, sang out the call to prayer in powerful, strong, melodious voices although some were certainly less powerful, strong, and melodious than others.

Two banks of judges dressed in black robes marked numerical scores on forms that were submitted to a head judge for calculation. I tentatively approached a group of judges during the break. Although I could hardly articulate my incredulity in Indonesian, they must have appreciated the look on my face, for they accommodated my curiosity with good-natured hospitality.

Were we really listening to muezzin after muezzin after muezzin in some sort of azan Olympics? Were they really giving these muezzins numerical scores? Based on what criteria? The ability to convince people to come and pray? Here was the sacred call to prayer, the ultimate symbol of Islamic oral culture preserved in an unbroken chain since the time of the prophet Muhammad, being evaluated as if it were an opera aria performed by hopefuls auditioning for a role in a production at the Metropolitan Opera.

A comparison of the Muslim call to prayer to an opera aria may seem crude for at least two reasons. Second, conceptualizing Islamic vocal performance as musical is always problematic due the vexed relationship between instrumental and vocal music in the Islamic religion.

But the criteria employed by the judges for this competition revealed that concrete and measurable aspects of vocal technique, creativity, and performance are as important for religious ritual in Jakarta as they are for operatic theater in New York. I engaged in formal interviews and conversations with the director, Kiai Haji Ibrahim Hosen, at whose home this chapter begins.

I accompanied my two main teachers, one male Drs. Haji Moersjied Qori Indra and one female Dra. Haja Maria Ulfah , to many of their engagements. These teachers are in high demand as professional reciters in contexts that vary from official government events to the nightly evening-long prayers held during the month of Ramadan. When I returned for a full year of research in , the situation had changed significantly. Due to an economic and political crisis of unforeseen proportions, Jakarta collapsed upon itself in May of Civil war in the city ensued.

Many Chinese were tortured and expelled; symptoms of the chaos included rape and rioting. People either fled the city or stocked up on supplies and hunkered down. Due to the extreme situation in Jakarta, the start of my research period was postponed by the Jakarta Fulbright office and began in January of rather than at the beginning of the —99 academic year.

So in January of Dan and I again moved to Jakarta, this time with two sons: Luther, who had just turned one, and Hansen, who was six and a half. My stomach was in knots the entire Introduction: Setting the Scene 27 twenty-eight-hour journey from Virginia to Jakarta. I was certain that I was dragging my family into an unnecessarily dangerous situation. Since our previous departure from Indonesia, in July of , the thirty-two-year tenure of Suharto had summarily ended and the country had plunged into the new, hopeful, confusing, and dynamic era of reformation reformasi.

Suharto had stepped down and his vice-president, B. Habibie, had stepped in as interim president. Optimism and opportunism prevailed. The press had opened up, and censorship of everything from movies to ideas had relaxed. Political parties multiplied and identity politics, no longer dictated by the Javacentric elitism of Suharto, were a source of exciting debate.

My research project, which I originally thought was going to deal with musical practice, cross-cultural exchange, and religious identity, suddenly became more political than I had previously imagined. The formal sponsor for my research was Dr.

My most significant activities at the university were through its research institute PPIM Pusat Pengkagian Islam dan Masyarakat, the Center for the Study of Islam and Society , where I received insight and feedback on the questions and answers that eventually came to organize my research. I helped edit several articles for the journal they publish, Studia Islamika, and gave a few lectures to classes at the university.

At IIQ I regularly attended classes and cotaught a graduate course on Arab music and culture as well as another course on Arabic song for a group of young women. Although my Fulbright grant was for research rather than research and teaching, I found that teaching something besides English and performing were the most meaningful commodities of exchange that I was able to offer. Teaching provided me structured time with students and faculty, and it gave everyone a chance to figure out what I was interested in and what, if anything, was interesting about me.

In addition to a regular schedule of activities as regular as a schedule can be in a city like Jakarta , I was invited to the campus for numerous presentations, rituals, and special events, particularly competitions and festivals, and during this election year such events were plentiful. I participated in conferences, visited several Islamic boarding schools, connected with musicians particularly those involved in Islamic music , took in performances of wayang kulit, the renowned shadow puppet theater of Java, and studied gamelan in a couple of different groups.

This second and most intense research period, from January to January , involved email communication, primarily with colleagues in the United States. Several subsequent and shorter visits to Indonesia in , , and , in addition to my ongoing research out of the United States when my family was based in Manila, Philippines, were characterized by a significant internet presence of the people and institutions that interested me and by regular, often daily text messages via cell phone with my associates in Indonesia.

Haja Maria Ulfah, M. She insisted that I tag along to family events as well as to several professional conferences and meetings. I have recorded her recitations, her teaching and coaching, and her commentary in myriad contexts. While I helped to organize the visa applications and accompanied Ibu Maria and her husband, Dr.

Mukhtar Ikhsan, a medical doctor, during nearly every minute of their two-week trip to the United States, it was Michael Sells, then professor of religion at Haverford College, who brought about the invitation. A guest is presenting them with a gift. It was fascinating to see the reception by African-American Muslims, American converts to Islam, Pakistanis, Palestinians, and other non—Southeast Asian Muslims to this gentle, cheerful, and charismatic woman with the enormously powerful voice.

Although Islam is the third largest religion in the United States after Christianity and Judaism and may well assume secondplace status before long, Muslim America is multicultural. There is no single or even predominant cultural model for religious rituals, clothing, food, or music for Muslims in the United States, so Maria Ulfah, as an exemplar of what women are and can be in Islamic culture, providing a model that for many was inspirational.

At our presentation at Harvard University, for example, several members of the audience whom we had not yet met fi led out of the auditorium in the middle of the presentation. After worrying throughout the rest of the presentation that they had been offended or bored, we learned that they had all departed for afternoon prayers known as asr. In Indonesia, people probably would have waited until it was convenient rather than rushing off in the middle of a public assembly to perform prayers precisely at the designated time.

The incident easily could have been avoided had the organizers of our presentation scheduled it to avoid conflicting with the afternoon prayer time. Although the event ended well, the departure of two rows from the audience right in the middle of our dialogue was extremely disconcerting. Another incident that surprised us occurred in Washington, D.

Before we began the interview, the interviewer, an American Muslim, indicated that we should bow our heads and pray, which seemed somewhat unusual. Maria Ulfah later remarked about the incident with a glint in her eye and an inquisitive smile. Mukhtar Ikhsan were treated with the utmost respect and hospitality. Although a curiosity to some, Maria was clearly a star to others.

I was thrilled to take them to stay with both my father, David, in Brookline, Massachusetts, as well as with my mother, Sandra, in Middleboro, Massachusetts, since Maria had met both of my parents when they had visited Indonesia on previous occasions.

It is difficult to overemphasize the importance to an anthropologist of being a part of a family. My kids came to countless events where, as my older son complained, it was always hot and the food was always greasy. During each visit our kids were smothered with pinches and hugs while Dan made polite conversation with the men.

Even when the affi liation meant nothing and I was just an American with a title on my calling card, it still seemed that I was a prestigious guest that my hosts would welcome and show off. Sometimes the prestige and power of the colonial West that the ethnographer inevitably embodies had surprising consequences. In July of , for example, Maria Ulfah brought us to the pondok pesantren al-Mudhofar in her hometown of Lamongan as a component of our East Java road trip.

Students from the pesantren recited and sang, and the grand finale featured the group Dewan Kesinian Lamongan, essentially a cover band that imitated the instrumentation gamelan instruments, keyboard synthesizer, electric guitar and bass, rebana frame drums, and Javanese kendhang , musical repertoire, and poetic texts of the well-known Emha Ainun Nadjib and the Kiai Kanjeng ensemble see chapter 5.

An enthusiastic smile, perhaps? Introduction: Setting the Scene 33 figure 4. In Indonesia my foreignness and my academic credentials certainly carried some weight, but my activity as a musician and my connection to Arab music, history, and culture in addition to my imperfect knowledge of the Arabic language was, I think, the reason that many people found me interesting.

It was through musical exchange that I was often able to broach the topics that eventually led to the questions that organize this research. Thus, many of these music-making encounters are described in the pages that follow because they contextualize description and hypothesis. I had no way of assessing her orientation toward music just by listening to her cassettes; but our discussion—which could have been a dry interview in which I asked questions and she answered—naturally transformed into a reciprocal lecture-demo.

She talked and sang; so did I. We tried to figure out what we could play together, and later that night we performed an impromptu set of Arab compositions and improvisations for a gathering of about fi ft y men and women who had been orga nized on my behalf.

Th is gathering or party, referred to by Indonesian Muslims with the Arabic term hafla, was about sharing performance. Much later, in October of , I undertook research with the ensemble Kiai Kanjeng. I stayed with Pak Emha and his wife, Ibu Novia Kolopaking, in their compound in Yogyakarta, Central Java, for a couple of days, then traveled with the band by plane and minivan, and sat in with them during their performances in Jember, Madiun, and Jakarta.

Pak Emha also organized a formal workshop that was fi lmed by his crew in which I presented and taught Arab music, and Novi Budianto, the leader and main composer for Kiai Kanjeng, took apart the interlocking rhythmic patterns of the rebana frame drum ensemble that interested me. While a meaty interview at the Ministry of Religion can be a satisfying experience for the researcher, making music with musicians is both a thrill and an extremely productive medium where collaborative knowledge is created.

Run mei do pal Marsia Ashra e Zainabia 2 Majlis 8. It should be the duty of the Ulema and organisers of Meelad to popularise this Nazm in our society as it stirs up the fear of Almighty Allah and the Aakirah in the minds of the listeners. Shaykh al-islam Yahya, who lived in the 17th ceuntry,is one of the most important person in the field of ode and he is also one of the most important name in the classical poetry tradition.

Alislam Org Latest Nazms Khilafat dealog de. Trained by Pak Emergency Rescue Raise the voice of human rights on social media. Thank you for your participation! London, Humphrey Milford, When the act relates to the help-seeker, the act is known as appeal for help, and the virtual helper whose help is being sought will act only as an agent or a means because the real helper is Allah Himself.

Opening Session. Will they unravel the clues to find the hidden treasure that awaits? Al-Jbir, Muhammad Abd. MTA International. Muhammad, known as Abu l-Faraj al-Isfahani d. April 13th, - Alislam Nazm Library 10 07 Kis Qadar Zahir Hay Noor Jalsa Salana Germany Official website for Ahmadiyya Muslim Community is alislam org Videos' ' nazm mta april 29th, - smart tv app survey mta international is considering the launch of a smart tv app on the following brands at the end of the year samsung sony philips that are published on alislam org the library of nazm includes various languages such as urdu bengali punjabi farsi arabic german read, alislam org latest nazms khilafat pdf free pdf download now source 2 alislam org latest nazms khilafat pdf free pdf download title alislam org latest nazms khilafat bing created date 9 20 12 14 27islam library,al-islam.

Ada yang menyatakan bahwa ayat 33 surah Al Rahman telah mengisyaratkan kemampuan manusia menjelajahi angkasa luar. E This book contains Takhrij sourcing of Time for Salah for 10 cities. The National Security of Indian Muslims. Al Islam - Official website of Ahmadiyya Muslim Community - an Islamic organization, international in its scope, with branches in over countries. Urdu Nazam. Nuwuba-- 70 nobles which has a connotation in Isma'iliyyasim of being angelic helpers. She is the lady who gave birth to Fatima az-Zahra, and brought her up with talents and virtues.

Books Refining access to the science of assets. Dhuhur al-islam. It is named after the Arabs, a term initially used to describe peoples living from Mesopotamia in the east to the Anti-Lebanon mountains in the west, in northwestern Arabia, and in the Sinai peninsula. Very true indeed. Albums from Belief in the Mahdi the 'guided' latter-day ruler who will establish justice is deeply rooted in Islam, and is an obligatory part of belief in the view of some ulama.

Its real name is Mafatih al-Ghayb, but is popularly known as Tafsir Kabir'. The true teaching of Islam. Risala fi-l amal bil rub al-musattar one the use of precious and mysterious quadrant. According to this verse, the Prophet s was obliged to proclaim an important message to people.

History on the Persianate world. Try Premium free for 3 months. Al-Nawawi also took this view as his choice. Ijtima Syllabus And gave a little then stopped [giving]? The Arabic verbal form akda derives from k-d-y "stint, cease from giving alms" and is a cognate of kady "hard land". This is the fifth course in Qur'anic Understanding Certificate. Nushu' al-lughah al-'arabiyahThe people of Medina were in the grip of a severe famine. Fatima az-Zahra was a descendant of two great people; we have briefly spoken about her parents, lives and virtues, and have drawn a pictureAssalamu Alaikum dear viewersIn this video we see the nazm of Hazrat Ahmad sa in Imran Khan's Jalsa MirzaGhulamAhmad Ahmadiyyat KhatmeNabuwat AhleHadithLabels: Ahlul Bayt, ahmadiyya, ahmadiyya books in urdu, al islam library, alislam friday sermon, alislam mta live, alislam nazm, alislam.

One may find different teachers and institutes Tahir Academy Youtube Channel. Tapi dengan memperhatikan konteksnya dengan ayat ayat sebelum dan sesudahnya The fastest way to Discover what the world is talking about right now on Twitter SpacesFsden. It's a treasure of knowledge and a place where you can explore the beauty of Islam. Masters thesis, University of Malaya.

This session started with recitation of the Holy Qur'an and its English translation, followed by pledge and Nazm and its English translation. The True Islamic Concept of Jihad. Alislam Urdu Nazam canrei de. It is a reply to ten objections raised against Islam's teachings. This is my latest publication which I completed on

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